ATADA Blog — ATADA.org

David Ezziddine

#GivingTuesday - You Can Make A Difference!

logo-GivingTuesday.jpg

Throughout our history, the mission of the ATADA Foundation has been to provide support for Native and Tribal art exhibitions, Native Artist scholarships, educational programs and humanitarian aid.

This year, we have focused our efforts on providing support for indigenous peoples affected by Covid-19. Through the generous donations of ATADA members and friends, we have raised over $20,000 to help Native American Nations bring food, water, supplies and other assistance to those in need. On this #GivingTuesday, we are asking you to help us reach our current goal of $30,000 in order to continue these efforts.

We also welcome donations to support our other Native and Tribal Art related programs. Whether you can give $20 or $1,000 - You can make a difference and help build a better future for us all. 

Please make your tax-deductible donation today. 
Thank you for your generosity.

Sincerely, 

The ATADA Foundation Board of Directors & 
The ATADA Board of Directors

Share

Legal Briefs - November 2020

NAGPRA (Increasingly Opaque) Repatriations through April 20, 2020

by Ron McCoy 


Totem poles outside of Chief Shakes' home, Wrangell, Alaska, 1895

Totem poles outside of Chief Shakes' home, Wrangell, Alaska, 1895

The way things — “things” being synonymous with “pretty much everything” — have been going of late, it’s not surprising the repatriations of objects carried out under the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA), which the U.S. Congress passed back in 1990, occupy at best a backburner for most of us just now. Nevertheless, NAGPRA remains in effect and its impact continues rippling through the world of antique tribal art dealers, collectors, curators, and scholars.

By way of a quick summing-up: NAGPRA is dedicated in part to repatriating “cultural items”[1] — physical objects — of Native American and Native Hawaiian origin from any institution satisfying its broad definition of “museum.”[2] In order to be eligible for repatriation, a piece must satisfy NAGPRA’s requirements for including it in one (or more) of its five categories: human remains, associated funerary objects, unassociated funerary objects, sacred objects and objects of cultural patrimony. The two categories that regularly receive attention in this space are sacred objects[3] and objects of cultural patrimony.[4]

Announcements of a decision to repatriate objects — issued, pending the arrival on the scene of one or more competing claims on the piece — appear on an irregular basis in the Federal Register. These notices are supposed to let us know: (a) the institution involved; (b) the identity of the claimant(s); (c) information about the piece and its history; and (d) the person or body to which a piece will be repatriated. (Unless otherwise indicated, the quotes used in reporting these notices comes from the notices themselves.)

Each component of a notice of intent to repatriate — identifying the parties to the agreement; explaining what the piece is and why/how it satisfies the law’s requirements for inclusion NAGPRA’s sacred objects and/or objects of cultural patrimony categories; and, finally, the reveal: where it’s going now — is important in and of itself. That’s why, as I read through a notice, it’s the description of a piece and its history that looms especially large — particularly with respect to what types of objects, specifically, the law embraces.

After all, without that, how can we possibly know what, exactly, is being repatriated? Please keep that in mind when glancing at the final two notices in the current column.

Here, then, are summaries of NAGPRA notices of intent to repatriate sacred objects and objects of cultural patrimony that appeared in the Federal Register through April 20, 2020.

 

Tlingit Killerwhale Hat, Rich Man’s Cane (Killerwhale Cane), Marmot Mask, Bear Headress, Bear Shirt, Sea Monster Pipe, Grizzly Bear Mask
Objects of Cultural Patrimony/Sacred Objects

Thomas Burke Memorial Washington State Museum, University of Washington, Seattle, WA (April 20, 2020): This notice highlights seven pieces of Tlingit origin.

Five of the seven objects were purchased by the museum in 1953 from the widow of Walter C. Walters, who operated the Bear Totem Store curio emporium at Wrangell, in southeastern Alaska.[5] Walters opened his enterprise in 1922, after acquiring works of Northwest Coast indigenous art while working as a mail carrier and fur buyer in the region.[6] The notice states Walters “removed” these pieces from Wrangell between 1920 and 1953, although the details of these transactions and exchanges appear unknown. The five objects addressed by this part of the notice are: a Killerwhale Hat, Rich Man’s (or Killerwhale) Cane, Marmot Mask, Bear Headdress, and Bear Shirt.

The notice also covers a Sea Monster Pipe, which was removed from Wrangell at a time and under circumstances unknown before ending up with art dealer Leonard S. Lasser, who donated it to the museum in 1972.

The fifth, final item repatriated under this notice is a Grizzly Bear Mask acquired between 1926-1937 by Axel Rasmussen, the superintendent of Bureau of Indian Affairs schools in Wrangell from the late 1920s until 1937, when he took up a similar position at Skagway.[7] Part of the Rasmussen collection acquired by the Portland Art Museum in 1948, the Grizzly Bear Mask was subsequently deaccessioned and acquired by noted Northwest Coast specialist Bill Holm, who donated it to the Burke Museum in 1974.

The notice references photographs showing some of the pieces listed here in situ, as it were: one of Chief Shakes, the fifth of that name, lying in state in 1878, with some of the objects surrounding him;[8] another of the interior of the clan home of his successor, Shakes VI, where some of the material was kept.[9]

Each of these items was originally collected at a time when Tlingit people were undergoing crushing hardships associated with the sort of dispossession and exploitation commonly associated with the saga of indigenous contact with the commercial, political, and spiritual representatives of European and Euroamerican cultures.[10]

All of these pieces were deemed objects of cultural patrimony and sacred objects under NAGPRA for purposes of turning them over to the Wrangell Cooperative Association and the Central Council of the Tlingit & Haida Indian Tribes in Alaska.

 

Hawaiian Zoomorphic Bowl, Basalt Cup
Sacred Objects

State of Hawaii, Department of Transportation, Honolulu, HI (Mar. 3, 2020): Between 1989-1992, highway construction in northeastern Molokai’s Halawa Valley led to the retrieval of archaeological finds, chiefly unassociated funerary objects. Among them: a zoomorphic bowl and basalt cup — listed in the notice but otherwise undescribed — which appear to have been the subject of some sort of unassociated funerary objects mix-up this notice evidently seeks to rectify. Both pieces were categorized as sacred objects and slated for transfer to lineal descendants of the person for whom the burial was created.

 

Wooden Carving of Laka, Founder of Hula
Sacred Object

Thomas Burke Memorial Washington State Museum, University of Washington, Seattle, WA (Jan. 3, 2020): In 1997, Hawaiian traditionalist artist Rocky Ka’iouliokahihikolo’Ehu Jensen “brought” the carved wooden piece covered by this notice to the museum.[11] The carving represents Laka, a female figure from the time of legends, credited as the patron of and likely originator of Hula on the island of Molokai.

The widely-held popular image of hula most likely involves an amalgam of snippets of ambient surf-sound, Don Ho warbling “Tiny Bubbles,” and scenes of happy-happy dancers waving their arms and wiggling their hips at beachside resorts’ jam-packed luaus. Whatever the entertainment value of those amusements, the motions and chants of hula, as practiced by the more traditionally minded, constitute what is nothing less than “a religious service, in which poetry, music, pantomime, and the dance lent themselves, under the forms of dramatic art, to the refreshment of men’s [sic] minds.” The “view of life” presented in hula performance, was “idyllic, and it gave itself to the celebration of those mythical times when gods and goddesses moved on the earth as men and women and when men and women were as gods.”[12]

The writer of those lines was Nathaniel B. Emerson (1839-1915), a physician, student of Hawaiian culture, and son of early Protestant missionaries to the islands. Christian missionaries like Emerson’s parents started descending in numbers during the 1820s on the Sandwich Islands, a common moniker for Hawaii until local naming practices acquired greater traction.

These missionaries generally perceived indigenous religious practices and observances as quite literally beyond the pale. Consequently, they expended considerable energy and effort addressing the competing Polynesian ethos with hostility. An example of this is seen in their lobbying among converts within the ruling elite for hula’s suppression, a goal first achieved in 1830.[13] (Among those advocating a hula ban was Emerson’s missionary father.)[14] Not surprisingly, hula — much like the Northwest Coast potlatch, Plains Sundance, and countless other ritualized expressions of cultures under assault — became a symbol of group resistance, survival, and a sort of cultural renaissance within population whose members felt very much under attack.

After consultations with representatives of the Native Hawaiian organization Nä Lei O Manu’akepa, the museum concluded the piece “is a necessary component which holds a very important role in the sacred Kuahu Ceremony of traditional Hula practitioners.” Basically, it is seen as nothing less than “a manifestation of the Hula patron, Laka, to which traditional Hula practitioners conduct ceremonies and rituals with offerings for inspiration, guidance and protection in their present-day cultural work and practices.”

The museum agreed the piece depicting Laka is a sacred object which should be dispatched to the Nä Lei O Manu’akepa.

 

Thirty-One Unidentified Pieces (Masks) Identified as Hopi Sacred Objects

U.S. Department of Justice, Federal Bureau of Investigation, Art Theft Program, Washington, D.C. (Jan. 3, 2020): The notice tells us that at a time unknown thirty-one “sacred objects were acquired and transported to the East Coast, where they remained part of a private collection of Native American antiquities, art, and cultural heritage.” Then, sometime in the spring of 2018, the FBI came calling and seized the pieces in connection with an unspecified criminal investigation. After “multiple consultations” with archaeologists and Hopi representatives, it was determined the pieces should be transferred to the Hopi Tribe of Arizona. As to the type of objects not otherwise described, they are “ceremonial objects that had been misidentified by the collector as ‘masks.’”

             

Unidentified Object (Mask) Identified as Zuni Sacred Object

U.S. Department of Justice, Federal Bureau of Investigation, Art Theft Program, Washington, D.C. (Jan. 3, 2020): The notice informs us that at an unspecified time an undescribed object, obtained by an unidentified party or parties, was “transported to the East Coast, where it remained part of a private collection of Native American antiquities, art, and cultural heritage.” We are told that in the spring of 2018 this piece “was seized by the FBI [Federal Bureau of Investigation] as part of a criminal investigation.”

The notice breaks out momentarily from its cocoon of coyness to let us know that what we are actually discussing here “is a ceremonial object that had been misidentified by the collector as a ‘mask’” which, pending competing claims, would be given over to the Pueblo of Zuni in New Mexico.

So, when it comes down to the heart of the matter, we (probably) do know what the items in the last two notice summaries are after all: masks. What kind? What age? What materials? What anything?

We do not know.

A law’s utility is inherently linked not only to the circumstances and manner of its crafting, but also in the degree to which it remains transparent and credible, the extent to its purpose for existing and how it’s applied. In this, NAGPRA has been stumbling. How can we know what is considered a sacred object or object of cultural patrimony under NAGPRA — and therefore something eligible for repatriation — unless we are told what the object is, in more detail than its inclusion within a very general category of materials?

Having followed the appearance of NAGPRA’s intent to repatriate notices for more years than I care to count, it seems the law as expressed in them is becoming increasingly opaque; in some instances, hopelessly and unhelpfully useless. There are many exceptions, but the rot of opacity and the confusion it generates and in which it thrives may have settled in for the long haul.

Please note: This column does not offer legal or financial advice. Anyone requiring such advice should consult a professional in the relevant field. The author welcomes readers’ comments and suggestions, which may be sent to him at legalbriefs@atada.org

ENDNOTES

[1] Under NAGPRA, “cultural Items” means: “Human remains, associated funerary objects, unassociated funerary objects, sacred objects, [and] cultural patrimony.” “Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act: Glossary,” National Park Service (2020), https://www.nps.gov/subjects/nagpra/glossary.htm

[2] With NAGPRA, a museum is “[a]ny institution or State or Local government agency (including any institution of higher learning) that receives Federal funds an has possession of, or control over, Native American cultural items.” Ibid. That definition specifically excludes “the Smithsonian Institution or any other Federal agency.”

[3]For NAGPRA’s purposes, a “sacred object” is a piece “needed by traditional Native American religious leaders for the practice of traditional Native American religions by their present day [sic] adherents.” Ibid. Ibid.

[4] An object is deemed to be “cultural patrimony under NAGPRA if it has “ongoing historical, traditional, or cultural importance central to the Native American group or cultural itself, rather than property owned by an individual Native American, and which, therefore, cannot be alienated, appropriated, or conveyed by any individual regardless of whether or not the individual is a member of the Indian tribe or such Native American group at the time the object was separated from such group.” Ibid.

[5] The Bear Totem Store presented a colorful, exotic aspect for visitors, as photographs taken from around 1927 (https://vilda.alaska.edu/digital/collection/cdmg21/id/23028/) and 1939 (https://digitalcollections.lib.washington.edu/digital/collection/ alaskawcanada/id/3243/) indicate.

[6] Bonnie Demerjian, Images of America: Wrangell (Charleston, SC: Arcadia, 2011), 30; Greg Knight, “Wrangell’s Tlingit Art on Display at Two Museums,” Wrangell Sentinel (Sep. 20, 2012), https://www.wrangellsentinel.com/story/2012/09/20/news/wrangells-tlingit-art-on-display-at-two-museums/525.html

[7] “Dagger,” Beloit College Digital Collections (n.d.), https://dcms.beloit.edu/digital/collection/logan/id/3274/

[8] For the photo of Shakes V lying in state with those objects see https://www.bgc.bard.edu/objects-exchange-chief-shakes

[9] An image showing Shakes VI “at home with possessions” in 1907 is at https://digitalcollections.lib.washington.edu/digital/collection/loc/id/2034. See also the photo of the object-rich interior of the Shakes VI home in 1909 at Aaron Glass, “Bard Graduate Gallery: 37. Interior of the Chief Shake House, Wrangell, Alaska, https://www.bgc.bard.edu/objects-gallery-chief-shakes-house

[10] Chip Colwell, Plundered Skulls and Stolen Spirits: Inside the Fight to Reclaim Native America’s Culture (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2017), 151-152, does a good job establishing the atmosphere in which cultural material heritage moved out of the Tlingit sphere. As if to emphasize the poverty and desperation of the Tlingit at this time, Shakes VI maintained his home as a virtual gallery, charging admission and offering pieces for sale. Glass.

[11] For Rocky Jensen, see Senator Daniel Akaka’s remarks at “Tribute to Native Hawaiian Master Artist Rocky Ka’ioliokahihikolo’Ehu Jensen,” in Congressional Record (Vol. 146, Pt. 4 [2000]), https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CRECB-2000-pt4/html/CRECB-2000-pt4-Pg5013-2.htm;

Lucia Tarallo Jensen, “Carving Pathways to the Future: The Rocky Jensen Family Bonds in a Love of Art and Their Hawaiian Legacy,” Ke Ola – The Life: Hawaìi Island’s Community Magazine (June-July 2009), https://keolamagazine.com/art/carving-pathways-future/; Jolene Oshiro, “Activist’s Art Spiritually Authentic,” (Honolulu) Starbulletin,com (Sep. 17, 2004), http://archives.starbulletin.com/2004/09/17/features/index6.html

Of interest, also, is Wanda Ke’ala ‘Anae-Onishi, “Re-Presenting ‘The Kona Style’: Examining the Multiple Identities of Kū,” M.A. thesis (Art), University of Hawaii (2004), https://scholarspace.manoa.hawaii.edu/handle/10125/12080

[12]  Nathaniel B. Emerson, “Unwritten History of Hawaii: The Sacred Songs of the Hula,” Smithsonian Institution, Burau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 38 (Washington, D.C.: 1909), 11-12

[13] For a brief introduction of missionaries’ role in hula banning, see “Missionaries and the Decline of Hula,” HawaiiHistory.org (2020), http://www.hawaiihistory.org/index.cfm?fuseaction=ig.page&CategoryID=253

[14] Noenoe K.Silva, “He Kānāwai E Ho’opau I Na Hula Kuolo Hawai’i: The Political Economy of Banning the Hula,” The Hawaiian Journal of History, 34 (2000), 29-48, provides insight into hula banning. Missionary Emerson’s activity is noted at 40, 48 n32.

ATADA Foundation COVID-19 Relief Fund

insta-logo.png

To date, we have raised over $20,000 to help provide necessary supplies, food and water to Native American communities that have been hit especially hard by the ongoing pandemic. This is an ongoing effort and we continue to seek donations until the need has passed. 

We know that times may be tight and that the future is unknown. We are asking you to give what you can. Whether it is $20 or $1,000 - any and everything helps. Please help us to reach our current goal of $30,000. 
Please visit atada.org/atada-foundation to make your tax-deductible donation today!

$20,932

Goal $30,000

Summer 2020 Update

Photo via Wikimedia Commons: Netherzone / CC BY-SA

Photo via Wikimedia Commons: Netherzone / CC BY-SA

Dear ATADA Members and Friends,
 
It that time of year again, when many of us would normally be getting ready to participate and attend the summer shows in Albuquerque and Santa Fe. Of course, many things have changed this year and we are all trying to chart a course in a rapidly evolving future. We appreciate your continued membership, support and interest in ATADA. We are continuing our mission to promote Native American and Tribal art around the world; to protect the rights of dealers, collectors and artists; and to provide humanitarian aid to those in need.
 
Despite the cancellation or postponement of the usual summer shows in Albuquerque and Santa Fe, there are number of events still happening online. Virtual markets and art walks, online auctions and streaming artist interviews are all great ways to stay involved with Tribal art. Our online calendar has more information on the various events happening in August. We are also researching new and better platforms for future ATADA online shows. In the meantime, be sure to check out the ATADA Marketplace, where you can find a rotating selection of amazing items from trusted ATADA dealers.
 
We continue to monitor developments surrounding the STOP Act and recently submitted additional written testimony to the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs. You can find the latest information and a copy of the written testimony on the ATADA Blog: https://atada.org/atada-blog/stop-act-2020-update
You can support this important work by making a making a monetary contribution or donating an item for auction.
 
We also extend our gratitude to all of you who have been able to contribute to our COVID-19 Relief Fund. With your generous support, the ATADA Foundation has raised over $20,000 to provide critical assistance and supplies to Native American tribes affected by COVID-19. We will continue this fundraising effort for as long as needed. If you are able, and would like to help, click the link below for information on how you can make a tax-deductible donation to this worthy cause.
 
As we continue through this year, let us work together to help each other through these difficult times. Let’s stay in touch with each other, share ideas and great finds, and lend a hand to those who need a little help. Together, we can make a better future for all.
 
If we can be of any assistance, please reach out to us.
Sincerely,
The ATADA Board of Directors
 
 
Links:
ATADA Calendar: https://atada.org/calendar
ATADA Marketplace: atada.org/marketplace
ATADA Directory: atada.org/full-directory
Foundation Donations: atada.org/atada-foundation
Legal Fund Info: atada.org/legal-fund

**Edit: Shows in Albuquerque were inadvertently omitted from the original post. This post has been edited to include those shows.

Upcoming and Ongoing Events

Hand-circle-Logo1.png

Good things are happening in New Mexico this August!


Legal Briefs - August 2020

If the Past is Another Country, What’s the Future?

by Ron McCoy

“The past is another country; they do things differently there.” 

L.P. Hartley, The Go-Between (1953)

 

Hoa Hakananaia’a at the British MuseumPhoto by: James Miles / CC BY-SA

Hoa Hakananaia’a at the British Museum

Photo by: James Miles / CC BY-SA

Hopefully, you are weathering the pandemic’s upheavals and dislocations as best and as well as you can.  Paso a paso, folks, step by step. 

At the moment, we appear to be in a state akin to a hiatus: perched in the narrowest of gaps betwixt and between; lodged in a liminal bubble sliding along a wobbly continuum that runs from the wreckage of a rapidly receding past crammed-up uncomfortably against an incomplete present; all the while searching for the makings of a bridge that will allow us to move into an uncertain future dominated by some great reset.  Cheerful stuff.

Not surprisingly, then, when it comes to the field of tribal art things have been almost preternaturally quiet of late.  Museum and gallery closings, widespread civil upheaval, and the fact that most people find their minds focused on other, more prosaic matters like survival…well, there is nothing quite like a pandemic to refocus one’s attention.  Although searching for signs of links between this pandemic and antique tribal art may seem a bit of a stretch, it has been during this time that musing on these subject’s relationship to one another took me back to 1967. 

That was the year many then-young seekers of transformational change listened avidly to a record called “For What It’s Worth (Stop, Hey What’s That Sound?).”  In what became an audible trope for the era, the eclectic folk-rock group Buffalo Springfield sang Stephen Stills’ haunting lyrics about the dislocating uncertainties of a disconcertingly unsettling time: “There’s something happening here/What it is ain’t exactly clear….”[1]

The next year, 1968, the genie came roaring out of the bottle.  Everything seemed adrift, loosened from moorings, far from in-control as the firestorm of events accelerated: war, protestors and police battling in the streets, cities alight, assassinations, all in a seemingly relentless cascade of near-apocalyptic horror during one of those may-you-live-in-interesting-times times.  Four years later, 1968’s goings on occupied the thoughts of China’s wily premier Zhou Enlai, who carved his way up to a point as close to the top of the Maoist hierarchy as you could get without being Mao.  Asked for comment on the long-term impact of a tumultuous revolutionary wave which reminded many of the beginnings of the French Revolution, Zhou wisely replied: “Too early to say.”[2]

If you consider the confusion voiced by Buffalo Springfield and mingle it with Zhou’s words of wisdom, there’s a lot right now that may not seem “exactly clear.”  Still, it’s just about ironclad-certain that there’s another side to all of this from which we shall, at some point, emerge.  (Needless to say, “all” includes that array of aficionados, curators, collectors, and dealers associated with the field of antique tribal art.)  It is certainly an equally secure wager to take the position that life on the other side is going to be a whole lot different from that to which we are accustomed. 

We often perceive the loci of our activities as firmly rooted in what amount to different worlds: “tribal art world,” “automobile manufacturing world,” “world of politics,” and so forth.  But this perception of separateness is an illusion, a mental accounting trick that allows us to compartmentalize our affairs.  But none of those world-constructs is inherently distinct; all are inextricably linked.  

With that thought in mind, we may sense that the impact already wrought upon the tribal art sphere by the pandemic and its resulting waves of after-effects remains uncertain, the details of its longer-term impact unknown.  Still, it is not too early to give some thought to the future if only to be better equipped for dealing with its new realities. 

“The past,” British novelist and short story writer L.P. Hartley observed, “is another country; they do things differently there.”  Similarly, the future — at least as much and perhaps even more than the past — will be another place; one where we shall, perforce, find ourselves doings things differently. 

As we prepare to venture into alien territory, it’s a safe bet  that the impact of what amounts to a pandemic earthquake (complete with its cascade of riffling aftershocks) cannot help but exert a profound impact upon those for whom antique tribal art is a passion.

The previous edition of this column — “Emmanuel Macron’s Bold Promise to Repatriate African Objects: ‘Hey, Wha’ Happen’?” — looked at the pledge  French president Emmanuel Macron made in 2017 to atone for the “grave mistake”[3] of European colonialism by repatriating objects of African material culture to the continent of its origin.  

Macron envisioned a five-year timeline for creating a mechanism to effect the repatriation from French public collections of an unspecified amount of African tribal art — currently, a legal impossibility — and, by implication, works emanating from other exploited cultures. Macron even pledged a $22.5 million loan to Benin so a suitable museum could be constructed at the UNESCO World Heritage site at Abomey.[4] 

Naturally, there was a report on the subject.  Macron received the Savoy-Sarr Report, named after its coauthors, in late 2018.[5]  This is bold stuff, its authors proclaiming they seek nothing less than “the emancipation of memory.”[6]  Much of the report is devoted to mind-numbing statements concerning impossibly convoluted constructs theoretical and special pleading.  Whatever else it may have accomplished, the Savoy-Sarr Report succeeded in transforming the Musée du Quai Branly-Jacques Chirac in Paris into ground zero for Macron’s experiment.  

One of the world’s foremost museums, the Quai Branly holds more than 300,000 pieces of ethnographic art from Africa, Asia, Oceania, and the Americas.[7]  The Savoy-Sarr Report took account of the roughly museum’s 70,000 pieces of sub-Saharan origin and honed-in on twenty-six objects, including “statues and thrones looted by French troops during a military raid against the once powerful West African Kingdom of Dahomey in 1892.”[8]

At the time that column was published, Macron’s initiative remained unrealized, stalled for any number of reasons.  Since then, the Quai Branly announced the appointment of Emmanuel Kasarhérou as its new president (director).  Kasarhérou, the New Caledonia-born son of a Melanesian father and French mother, completed museum studies in Paris, headed the Museum of New Caledonia in his homeland, and returned to the Quai Branly where he served as deputy head of collections.[9] 

“I feel as much the descendant of people who were colonizers of a certain place as of people who were colonized,”[10] Kasarhérou explained  in an interview with Farah Nayeri of The New York Times soon after his appointment to the Quai Branly directorship. 

He lost no time making some interesting observations about Macron’s pledge (indirectly) and the Savoy-Sarr Report (directly), including offering his opinion that the overall issue of cultural heritage and its repatriation is not something that can be “tackled with big block ideologies.”[11] 

In fact, Kasarhérou evidently holds some decidedly negative views of the Savoy-Sarr Report, which he describes as a “very militant” document, one which “cannot be a blueprint for policy.” (He did give its authors some kind of nod for “[s]haking things up.”)[12]  In addition, Kasarhérou committed himself to careful review of repatriation claims, declaring: “I’m not in favor of objects being sent out into the world and left to rot.”[13]

Emmanuel Kasarhérou certainly knows how tricky his outsider-insider/insider-outsider position may become when it comes to the crunch, the actual business of receiving and evaluating repatriation claims, engaging in often difficult dialogue between claimants and those possessing the relevant objects, and a gazillion other points of agreement, confusion, and contention.  “I know I will inevitably disappoint people,” he has ruefully noted, perhaps reflecting a somewhat optimistic form of stoicism.  “One always does.  The worst thing would be to do nothing.”[14]

This is not just about Macron, the Savoy-Sarr Report, or the Quai Branly.  As the pandemic raged and its associated dislocations scythe through our societies there are plenty of people and organizations playing a truncated game of catch-up.  In June, for example, the British Museum came under renewed pressure about its own massive collection of controversial works.  Hartwig Fischer, the institution’s director, put up a statement online declaring the museum “stands in solidarity with the British Black community, with the African American community, and with the Black community throughout the world.”[15]

For more than a few observers, the statement exhibited precisely the sort of cluelessness, condescension and desperation that may be capable of generating a few cheers but is absolutely guaranteed to invite a chorus of jeers.  After all, as the Artforum account of this affair pointed out in an interesting coda:

Among the countries currently seeking the return of cultural heritage objects from the museum are Greece, which has repeatedly tried to secure the restitution of the Elgin marbles pilfered from the Parthenon in Athens; Ethiopia, which has called for the restitution of tabots, Christian plaques representing the Ark of the Covenant; and Chile, which has demanded the return of Hoa Hakananai’a, a stone monolith taken from Easter Island.[16]

“Look, I love you guys, but maybe you ought to sit this one out” a Twitter warrior responded.  “Unless you plan to return the looted Ethiopian treasures, the stolen Elgin Marbles and permanently return the Benin Bronzes.”  Another was “appalled at the hypocrisy” of the institution, with one cutting to the chase by twittering, “Time to give back the swag, guys!”[17]

Ultimately, as the author of the Artforum account explained, “expressing the institution’s solidarity with the black and African American community” is “a move that has invited heated criticism from those who claim the words will ring  hollow until the museum reckons fully with the looted objects in its collection.”[18]

Although Emmanuel Macron’s dream remains unrealized, at least for the moment, it is not a forgotten remnant from a vanished past.  This is something anyone associated with tribal art needs to spend time considering, because there will be new initiatives, more reports, and in some cases action. 

We could do worse than preparing for the day we finally wash up on the shores of the future.  Because  we may find that shore crowded with folks who share reflections of Macron’s repatriation proposal; people for whom the dream of a great reckoning trending toward social justice remains not only undiminished but revitalized by a powerful sense of urgency. 

After all, the future is another country; they do things differently there.

           

Please note: This column does not offer legal or financial advice. Anyone requiring such advice should consult a professional in the relevant field. The author welcomes readers’ comments and suggestions, which may be sent to him at legalbriefs@atada.org

ENDNOTES

[1] “Stephen Stills Lyrics: For What It’s Worth,” AZLyrics (n.d.), https://www.azlyrics.com/lyrics/stephenstills/forwhatitsworth.html

[2] Although Zhou’s observation is commonly thought to involve his analysis of the French Revolution of 1789, he was speaking of revolutionary developments in France in 1968.  Richard McGregor, “Zhou’s Cryptic Caution Lost in Translation,” Financial Times (June 10, 2011).  See, too, “Delanceyplace.com 6/21/11 — Too Early To Say,” Delanceyplace.com (June 21, 2011), https://delanceyplace.com/view-archives.php?p=1711

[3] “Macron Calls Colonialism a ‘Grave Mistake’ During Visit to Ivory Coast,” France24 (Dec. 21, 2019), https://www.france24.com/en/20191222-frence-president-macron-on-official-visit-to-ivory -coast-calls-colonialism-a-grave-mistake

[4] Ibid.

[5] The Savoy-Sarr Report was authored by art historian Bénédicte Savoy, chair for Modern Art History/Art History as Cultural History at the Tecnische Universität Berlin,[5] and economist Felwine Sarr, director of the Civilizations,  Religions, Arts, and Communication research center at Gaston Berger University in Saint-Louis, Senegal.[5] 

[6] Savoy-Sarr Report, 1.

[7] “Missions: A Bridge Between Cultures,” (Musée du Quai Branly Jacques Chirac, n.d.), http://www.quaibranly.fr/en/missions-and-operations/the-musee-du-quai-branly/#:~:text=; Farah Nayeri, “Museums in France Should Return African Treasure, Report Says,” The New York Times (Nov. 21, 2018), https:/ /www.nytimes.com/2018/11/21/arts/design/france-museums-africa-savoy-sarr-report.html/.

[8] Heleluya Hadero, “Benin’s New Museum for Artifacts Looted by France Is Being Built Using  a French Loan,” QuartzAfrica (wJuly 23,2019), https://qz.com/africa/1672922/france-will-help-fund-benin-museum-housing-looted-artifacts/

[9] Farah Nayeri, “A New Museum Director’s First Challenge: Which Exhibits to Give Back,” The New York Times (June 5, 2020), https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/05/arts/design/emmanuel-kasarherou-quai-branly-museum.html

[10] Ibid.

[11] Ibid.

[12] Ibid.

[13] Ibid.

[14] Ibid.

[15] Catherine Hickley, “’Time to Give Back the Swag, Guys!’ British Museum Unleashes Twitter Storm With Statement on Black Lives Matter,” The Art Newspaper (June 9, 2020), https://www.theartnewspaper.com/news/british-museum-unleashes-twitter-storm-with-statement-on-black-lives-matter

[16] Ibid.

[17] Ibid.

[18] “After Solidarity Statement, British Museum Faces Renewed Demands To Give Up Loot,” Artforum (June 12, 2020), https://www.artforum.com/news/after-solidarity-statement-british-museum-faces-renewed-demands-to-give-up-loot-83215

ATADA Written Testimony on STOP Act of 2019

2019-Header-legal.png

On June 10, 2020, ATADA submitted the following written testimony to the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs regarding the Safeguard Tribal Objects of Patrimony Act of 2019 (STOP Act), S. 2165.

The written testimony can be found in full below. Click here to download a copy of the testimony.


ATADA,[1] Kim Martindale, President

 Testimony submitted to the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs on
The Safeguard Tribal Objects of Patrimony Act of 2019 (STOP Act), S. 2165[2]
June 10, 2020

This testimony is submitted on behalf of ATADA, the Authentic Tribal Art Dealers Association. ATADA is a professional organization established in 1988 in order to set ethical and professional standards for the art trade. Its membership includes hundreds of antique and contemporary Native American and ethnographic art dealers and collectors, art appraisers, and a strong representation of museums and public charities across the U.S.

ATADA is engaged in intensive community educational work to build understanding of Native American concerns over the loss of cultural heritage. In 2016 and 2017, ATADA adopted Bylaws forbidding trade in items in current ceremonial use,[3] established Due Diligence Guidelines to protect buyers and sellers,[4] and began public education programs[5] working together with tribal representatives.

ATADA has built a highly successful, community-based Voluntary Returns Program for lawfully owned ceremonial objects. The Voluntary Returns Program has brought several hundred important ceremonial items from art dealers[6] and collectors to tribes at no cost since it began in 2016.[7] The vast majority of sacred items that ATADA has returned to tribes have come from collections built 30-70 or more years ago, prior to passage of NAGPRA in 1990. NAGPRA was clearly a wake-up call to collectors and art dealers as well as for museums. It remains the most effective federal tool for ensuring that sacred items are returned to tribes.

ATADA appreciates the opportunity to assist in promoting legislation that protects tribal ceremonial and sacred items, strengthens enforcement of existing laws consistent with citizens constitutional rights and facilitates legitimate trade in legal items. However, the Safeguard Tribal Objects of Patrimony Act of 2019 (STOP Act), S. 2165, fails on all these counts.

This is the third version of STOP introduced since 2016. It replicates and even expands many provisions rejected in prior versions of the bill. Like earlier iterations of STOP, this bill will embargo lawfully owned Indian artifacts, will fail to provide notice to the public of what Indian objects are prohibited from export, will impose burdensome export requirements on very low value items, and allow seizure without constitutional due process.

For all the reasons set forth below, ATADA believes that S. 2165, will not achieve its primary goal—the return of important cultural objects to Native American tribes, Alaska Natives and Native Hawaiian organizations. It is constitutionally, procedurally, and practically flawed.

 

1. The STOP Act undermines constitutional protections guaranteed to American citizens, placing the burden of proof on the applicant, not the government, and reversing the American concept of innocent until proven guilty.

The STOP Act does not require “knowing” wrongdoing for there to be a crime. It does not require proof of violation of NAGPRA, ARPA, or other U.S. law. Export restrictions can be placed on lawfully-owned objects.

The STOP Act provides for criminal penalties of up to ten years’ imprisonment for exporting lawfully owned items without a permit. Despite these heavy penalties, due process is absent. The STOP Act places the entire burden of proof on the exporter, even if the exporter is a tourist.

STOP’s tribal review process for issuing export permits is secret. It is not subject to Freedom of Information Act requests. Evidence from tribes on which seizure was based would be withheld, severely limiting opportunities to appeal seizures or refusal to export and denying future access to information for the future.

2. The STOP Act potentially restricts commercially-made and legal items as tribal heritage.

Native Americans have been making ceramics, carvings, jewelry, and weavings for commercial sale for literally hundreds of years.[8] There are hundreds of thousands of Native American antique objects that have circulated in the market for decades, many of which are now said by tribes to to be tribal ‘cultural heritage.’[9] Even Indian art made for sale would be subject to restrictions and secret tribal review. A receipt from a Native American artist does not guarantee that an object is exempt from review and possible seizure.

3. The STOP Act sets no time-limit for review and gives limitless scope to the objects that cannot be exported.

The STOP Act has no time limit for tribal review. There is no list of forbidden items for export.  

STOP provides only for a general description of objects that may be unlawful to export. The documentation burden and delay of STOP’s proposed tribal review system would be a de-facto export ban as the work would not be justified for low value items.

Legitimate business relationships with international partners and art fairs will be curtailed due to concerns over unlimited delays. The lack of a clear definition of what may be exported without a permit will result in the seizure of objects exported in good faith.

4. The STOP Act does not enable self-certification.

A self-certification process under U.S. law would never be a free ride as a false statement would lead to imprisonment, a significant safeguard. ATADA endorses self-certification to ensure a paper trail for exports and to provide true accountability.

5. The STOP Act will harm American small businesses exports, Native and non-Native alike.

ATADA is committed to helping to build markets for Native and non-Native American small businesses and Native craftspeople. The STOP Act’s time-consuming and potentially expensive export process (for which an unstated fee will be assessed) will eliminate small scale exports and place an additional burden on Indian artisans as well as art dealers.

Art and craft production is important in the economies of tribal nations across the U.S., including Native Alaskan sculptors, Northwest Coast weavers and carvers, California basketry-makers, Cherokee Nation beadworkers, and craft marketers from the Plains to the Penobscot people of Maine and others in the Northeast. These and many others are working to build local artist markets in their communities; they are also represented together with hundreds of Native Americans artists from Southwestern tribal nations in galleries and fairs in New Mexico. All these creations of Native artisans are potentially subject to an export ban given The STOP Act’s failure to specifically define what items require certification.

Travel restrictions have already decimated the hopes of thousands of Native artisans dependent on summer sales for the majority of their annual earnings. Imposing export barriers to businesses and tourists alike would threaten the ability rebuild sales venues for Indian art.

6. The STOP Act will harm both U.S. and foreign tourism.

The STOP Act requires tourists as well as commercial exporters to submit photos and forms and obtain permissions for exports as low as $1 value. These requirements will be impossible for most tourists to meet and will taint the domestic market with concerns that buying Indian art is ‘wrong.’ Too broad or too vague criteria would trap many foreign tourists, inevitably resulting in thousands of inadvertent, innocent violations and seizures for technical errors rather than criminal acts.

To give just one example of STOP’s potential for negative impact, the first international news article about seizure of an ordinary object from a tourist for failing to meet STOP’s vague export permitting requirements would seriously harm international tourism to important tourist destinations, such as Santa Fe’s almost 100-year-old Indian Market, which ordinarily draws about 100,000 tourists to New Mexico each year.

7. Consumer confusion will further damage tribal markets.

Public confusion about laws regulating trade can result in unintended harm. A case in point is the federal law banning trade in elephant ivory, which has seriously impacted Native Alaskan craftsmen who legally carve marine mammal ivory.[10] Many Native artisans depend on sales of carved marine mammal ivory, particularly walrus, to pay for necessities like fuel oil through the winter. The federal elephant ivory ban has reduced Native carvers’ earnings by as much as 40%. As Native carver Dennis Pungowiyi explained to Arctic Today, negative perceptions have grown among his customers who believe that owning a walrus ivory sculpture might be illegal, even though it is legal under Alaskan and federal law.[11]

Several U.S. states have gone far beyond federal regulations and passed laws prohibiting trade in all ivories.

The STOP Act’s overbroad, vague provisions would similarly taint other Native artworks with potential illegality and raise the concept that ownership of Native art was harmful to cultural integrity and public interest.

8. The STOP Act provides no funding for a system of review, and no guidance as to how such a system should be organized.

The STOP Act leaves the Department of the Interior to create and fund a system of tribal review from scratch. The system must cover virtually all exported Indian art and artifacts (many of which cannot be identified to specific tribes) from every federally recognized tribe and Hawaiian Native organization. Yet five years after first asking the federal government to establish this system, no tribe has come forward with a plan for coordinating or organizing it. 

9. STOP fails to utilize the existing U.S. Customs’ AES export reporting system agreed to by tribes in 2018, sets no low-value threshold.

The AES system used for all commercial exports of $2500.00 or more provides an adaptable online system for tracking exports. Using this $2500.00 threshold would already be far more restrictive than any import/export system for art and artifacts currently in use in market nations.

To compare, in early 2019, the European Parliament enacted legislation requiring a certification system for art imports. Although the EU already has harmonized Customs systems, the European Parliament estimates that it will take 5 years to build a permitting system to manage this. The new EU system requires only a self-certification from importers for most types of artworks, including ethnographic objects such as Native American art. For these, it requires self-certification only for objects over 200 years old AND over 18,000 euros in value.[12] Even so, the burden on art businesses is expected to seriously damage the European market and harm international art fairs, an increasing segment of the art market.[13]

How long would be needed for almost 600 tribes and the Department of the Interior to build an independent system for export permits? The only realistic approach is to utilize an already existing system and to limit the items covered as much as possible in order not to overburden it. ATADA hopes that tribes will join it in seeing the benefit of having a functional system that can start almost immediately rather than confront all the hurdles a new system would create.

10. The STOP Act is bad public policy that will undermine NAGPRA and harm U.S. museums.

U.S. museums and educational institutions that receive any federal funding are already subject to strict NAGPRA rules of compliance that enable tribes to claim museum-owned Native American objects. The STOP Act ignores NAGPRA criteria that an object be a ceremonial or sacred object at the time that it left tribal hands. The STOP Act treats NAGPRA’s definition of “cultural items” as one category when NAGPRA has five separate categories of cultural items with separate statutory definitions.

NAGPRA returns are dealt with in a case-by-case process between museums and tribes. Under STOP, tribes have no need to show affinity or substantiate that an object may be claimed.

The STOP Act makes it illegal to export “cultural items” – a term that includes items that are not subject to NAGPRA repatriation. Export by museums for loans or traveling exhibitions of items that were legally acquired decades ago could put museums in violation of the STOP Act.

Objects not subject to NAGPRA could be seized if claimed by a tribe.

11. STOP abandons earlier progress on finding working solutions to preserve heritage.

During the last Congress, our efforts to produce a version of STOP that works led ATADA to work with the Acoma Pueblo and their representatives and produce legislation that banned the export and facilitated the return of illegal sacred and ceremonial items: H.R. 7075, the “Native American and Native Hawaiian Cultural Heritage Protection Act” of 2018.

H.R.7075 accomplished these objectives by grafting an export certification system for Native American items onto the existing Department of Commerce AES system and permitting self-certification for lower value items, insuring speedy and effective implementation, operation, participation and enforcement of an export certification regime without infringing on individual’s constitutional rights.

Despite the burden that H.R. 7075 placed on American businesses, ATADA approved these restrictions in order to assist tribes to achieve their goal of preserving ceremonial and sacred items in the U.S. Regrettably, the STOP Act fails to incorporate compromises agreed to in H.R. 7075.

12. Conclusion.

The STOP Act represents the first time in the United States’ entire history that it has sought to restrict export of art or cultural heritage. Restrictions on any U.S. cultural heritage contravenes long held principles that have emphasized the free trade of cultural property for the public good, and Congress should be wary of enacting such a major statutory change, especially one whose breadth and scope is unlimited and shorn of due process protections.[14]

The problem of loss of tribal cultural heritage will not be solved by passing constitutionally suspect legislation or creating a new, unwieldy, and expensive federal bureaucracy. There are relatively few objects in private hands that actually meet the criteria set forth under NAGPRA or ARPA as objects unlawful to trade. Even fewer are ever exported. The GAO reports for previous versions of STOP counted the total overseas sales of Native American objects (sometimes twice) without identifying any items as actually sold in violation of ARPA, NAGPRA or other US law.

ATADA is strongly supportive of the goal of returning objects necessary for tribal spiritual activities, and of halting all illegal trade in the U.S. as well as abroad. ATADA’s due diligence requirements for dealers, combined with the ATADA Voluntary Returns program, which has brought hundreds of important objects back within just a few years, are models for best business practices and for community-based return programs.  

ATADA supports taking steps now to safeguard objects for tribal use. These should include significant federal investment in programs located on tribal lands and the building of safe, secure chapter houses to ensure that cultural objects remain under the control of tribal governments or tribal elders.

Any law passed limiting export should protect U.S. citizens from constitutional abuse by ensuring due process and enabling Freedom of Information Act requests. This requires:

  • Adopting clear definitions of what can and cannot be exported.

  • Applying CAFRA provisions to protect unconstitutional and unwarranted seizures.

  • Exclusions for low value items and tourist purchases.

  • Self-certification by business to create accountability and enable tracking of exported items.

  • Limiting export prohibitions to items actually deemed sacred.

ATADA wishes to emphasize its willingness to work together with all interested parties to create legislation that will truly protect important sacred objects and return them to tribes.

ENDNOTES

[1] ATADA, the Authentic Tribal Art Dealers Association, www.atada.org. email director@atada.org,  PO Box 45628, Rio Rancho, NM 87174.

[2] This testimony also pertains to the current House version of the Safeguard Tribal Objects of Patrimony Act, S. H.R. 3846. 116th Cong. (2019)

[3] ATADA Bylaws, Article X, Trade Practices, Ethics, And Guarantees. https://www.atada.org/bylaws-policies/

[4] ATADA Bylaws, Article XI, Due Diligence Guidelines. https://www.atada.org/bylaws-policies/

[5] For example, the ATADA Symposium, Understanding Cultural Property: A Path to Healing Through Communication. May 22, 2017, Santa Fe, NM.

[6] ATADA Bylaws, Article X, ATADA Guidelines Regarding the Trade in Sacred Communal Items of Cultural Patrimony. https://www.atada.org/bylaws-policies/

[7] A Journey with Ceremonial Objects, https://committeeforculturalpolicy.org/a-journey-with-ceremonial-objects/

[8] Native American artists created outstanding works of art for sale and trade even before the time of first contact, trading with indigenous American peoples in the Plains and the far West and sending goods to exchange for Mayan and Aztec products southward into present-day Mexico. Contact with the Spanish conquistadors and the settlers that followed them led to development of many Indian arts. To give just one example, Navajo weaving is a traditional art, but it was not until the introduction of sheepherding after contact that there was a large scale expansion of trade in woven goods, blankets and mantas, made both for commercial and domestic use.

[9] For example, American auction houses have recently received ‘cultural heritage’ claims for hand-carved and painted wooden kachinas originally sold by the tribal artist-makers in the 1990s on eBay.

[10] Zachariah Hughes, Lower 48 ivory bans hit Alaska Native carvers, Alaska Public Media, November 7, 2016. https://www.alaskapublic.org/2016/11/07/lower-48-ivory-bans-hit-alaska-native-carvers/

[11] Yereth Rosen, Some U.S. state ivory bans affect Alaska Native carvers. A new federal bill aims to override them, Arctic Today, October 24, 2017, https://www.arctictoday.com/some-u-s-state-ivory-bans-affect-alaska-native-carvers-a-new-federal-bill-aims-to-override-them/

[12] EU Regulation Curtailing Import of Art & Antiquities Now Law, Cultural Property News, June 16, 2019, https://culturalpropertynews.org/eu-regulation-curtailing-import-of-art-antiquities-now-law/

[13] Id.

[14] The U.S. has longstanding import policies encouraging the importation of modern and antique artworks, manuscripts, books, scientific, and other cultural objects by making such imports free of duty. The Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Materials Importation Act of 1966, Section 1(b) provides that “The purpose of this Act is to enable the United States to give effect to the Agreement on the Importation of Educational, Scientific and Cultural Materials… with a view to contributing to the cause of peace through the freer exchange of ideas and knowledge across national boundaries.” The Agreement on the Importation of Educational, Scientific and Cultural Materials was opened for signature at Lake Success, on November 22, 1950, 131 U.N.T.S. 25 (1950); The Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Materials Importation Act of 1966, Pub. L. No. 89-651, 80 Stat. 897 (1966). Even earlier, in the U.S. Tariff Act of 1930, Congress exempted antiquities and art objects made before 1830 from duty in order to encourage the free flow of artistic and cultural materials into the U.S. The exemption from duty on antiques and archaeological materials is under the Harmonized Tariff Schedule of the United States Revision 7, ch. 97, § XXI  (2019), (Works of Art, Collectors’ Pieces and Antiques, Subheading 9705.00.00 to 9706.00.00).